Copyright © 1997 by Northeast-Midwest Institute

ISBN: 1-882061-64-0

Although the research described in this article has been funded wholly or in part by the United States Environmental Protection Agency, under assistance agreement CR824570-01-0 to the Northeast-Midwest Institute, it has not been subjected to the Agency's peer and administrative review and therefore may not necessarily reflect the views of the Agency and no official endorsement should be inferred.

Reproduction of this report, with the customary credit to the source, is permitted.

Northeast-Midwest Institute

The Northeast-Midwest Institute is a nonprofit and public education organization that seeks to enhance the region's economic vitality and environmental quality. It conducts research, develops public policies, provides technical assistance, sponsors regional conferences, and distributes publications.

The Institute is unique among Washington policy centers because of its close working relationship with the Northeast-Midwest Congressional and Senate Coalitions. Founded in 1976, the Congressional Coalition, co-chaired by Reps. Bob Franks (R-NJ) and Marty Meehan (D-MA), is a bipartisan group of 114 representatives who recognize the common problems facing their states. The Northeast-Midwest Senate Coalition, formed in 1978 and now co-chaired by Sens. James Jeffords (R-VT) and Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-NY), has 36 members.

Northeast-Midwest Institute
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Table of Contents

Chapter 1. Introduction

Chapter 2. Lessons Learned

• Players and Institutional Capacity
• Community Involvement
• Regulatory and Legal Issues
• Costs and Financing
• Risk Management and Cleanup
• Broader Policy Conclusions

Chapter 3. Case Studies

Not available online

Chapter 1
Introduction

Across the nation, cities and small towns are grappling with the challenge of abandoned or under-utilized, often contaminated, industrial properties — also known as "brownfields." Brownfield reuse has captured public attention because it offers the unique opportunity to solve multiple problems concurrently, a particularly attractive prospect for government officials.

With minimal public investment, brownfield projects may provide environmental cleanup, reduce neighborhood blight, generate tax revenues, and create jobs — all of which helps to stabilize and enrich a community. These redevelopments usually make use of existing infrastructure, such as highways and utilities, thus maximizing the benefit of previously spent public dollars. In addition, brownfield reuse offsets development that might have occurred on rural or suburban properties, known as "greenfields," thus helping to limit urban sprawl — an increasingly high priority for many Americans.

Despite these opportunities, many challenges frustrate brownfield reuse. The overarching deterrent, most stakeholders conclude, is "uncertainty." Older, industrial properties introduce a series of unknowns having to do with environmental conditions, costs, time frames, and long-term liability. By contrast, locating projects on greenfields is commonly thought to be a cheaper, more predictable alternative.

By 1996, local, state, and federal officials had championed a series of innovative policies aimed at encouraging the reuse of contaminated sites, and an increasing number of brownfield projects were being launched. The Northeast-Midwest Institute felt that it was critical to understand the connection between these trends — to gauge which policies are most effectively encouraging redevelopment "on the ground." With support from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), the Institute assumed a case study approach, one that involved selecting 20 brownfield projects, researching site histories, and interviewing more than 60 participants. The goal was to understand how certain projects overcame the barriers typically associated with brownfield reuse and then to derive a series of "lessons learned" from the field — including innovative financing strategies, creative public-private partnerships, and state voluntary cleanup programs — that could be shared with other locales facing similar challenges.

Lessons from the Field complements several Northeast-Midwest Institute books that analyze brownfield policy issues, particularly Coming Clean For Economic Development: A Resource Book on Environmental Cleanup and Economic Development Opportunities (September 1996, 178 pages), which contains an in-depth discussion of the challenges associated with brownfield reuse, several case studies, and an overview of state initiatives.

Northeast-Midwest Institute staff, in developing Lessons from the Field, have attempted to reflect the diversity of brownfield sites nationwide by choosing case studies from many different settings. Nine of the projects were located in large metropolitan areas (over 250,000 population); seven in medium cities (between 50,000 and 250,000) and four in small communities (under 50,000). The Institute also chose different sized projects. Some were quite large — such as the $200-million Medical City initiative in Worcester, Massachusetts, that involved cleaning up and reusing 24 acres of blighted downtown property, and which is expected to create 3,000 new jobs and have a total direct economic impact of $875 million within its first ten years of operation. Other projects were smaller in scale, although no less important for their communities. For example, redevelopment of the Carol Cable plant in Warren, Rhode Island, brought 75 existing jobs to the area and created 50 new ones — good news for this town of 11,000.

The remainder of this chapter contains brief synopses of the 20 brownfield projects profiled, divided by region.

Midwest

BASF South Works — Wyandotte, Michigan

This project involved transforming a defunct, 84-acre chemical manufacturing plant along the Detroit River into a public recreation area and a nine-hole golf course. Through a combination of public and private funding (the city utilized tax increment financing, state grants, and bonds), the city was able to revitalize the waterfront and the once-blighted neighborhood around BASF's plant. This redevelopment has precipitated a domino effect of economic growth throughout downtown Wyandotte. BASF's project highlights the importance of a strong public/private partnership, as well as illustrates how a large company can use brownfield cleanup to bolster its corporate image.

Acetex Corporation — Detroit, Michigan

In the early 1990s, Acetex Corporation, a Detroit-based textile manufacturing enterprise, sought to expand its operations by acquiring an adjacent property, H&H Wheel Service, Inc. Acetex planned to build a new $5-million distribution facility on the two-acre site, creating over 100 new jobs in the process. But H&H Wheel was reluctant to sell its property unless the firm could be cleared of all liability (environmental conditions at the site were not yet known) and absolved of any costs associated with cleanup. The deal was finalized after a year of negotiating, during which the Detroit REUS Team, an inter-agency brownfield task force, played a pivotal role. In 1995, EPA awarded the City of Detroit a $200,000 Brownfields Pilot Site grant in support of the REUS Team's ongoing activities.

Scott Peterson Meats — Chicago, Illinois

In 1993, Scott Peterson Meats approached the City of Chicago with a proposition. The company was interested in acquiring an adjacent, abandoned property on which it would provide secure parking for its employees. If the city could arrange the deal, Scott Peterson Meats promised to expand its existing operations and hire new employees, thus providing a stable business presence in an increasingly blighted neighborhood. By May 1995, only 13 months after the project began, the city had remediated the site and prepared to turn it over to Scott Peterson Meats. This project illustrates how carefully targeted public spending can leverage significant private investment. The city spent only $370,000 to clean and grade this site; Scott Peterson Meats, in turn, invested $5.2 million in a new smokehouse and hired 100 new local employees. This case study also points to the effectiveness of Chicago's Brownfields Program, an innovative policy-development initiative.

Madison Equipment — Chicago, Illinois

Madison Equipment, a 70-employee firm in Chicago's East Garfield Park neighborhood, sought to acquire an abandoned building in the early 1990s to accommodate its business expansion needs. The city agreed to complete a site investigation (which revealed significantly less contamination than officials had feared) and to transfer the property to Madison for $1 dollar. In return, Madison pledged to rehabilitate the building and hire at least 6-8 workers from the federal Empowerment Zone in which it's located. Expending only $3,000 in public funds, the city was able to eliminate a community eyesore, assist a strong neighborhood business in its expansion efforts, and create new jobs.

Crosby Lake Business Park (Texaco Tank Farm) — St. Paul, Minnesota

The St. Paul Port Authority had long sought to redevelop Texaco's 40-acre tank farm, located in a commercial/industrial corridor in southwest St. Paul. After scaling back its presence in the region, Texaco removed several above-ground tanks in the 1980s. In spring 1993, the port authority, Texaco, and the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency formally began to discuss the site's future use. During negotiations, Texaco agreed to remediate the site and then sell it to the port authority for roughly fair market value. The port would grade the site and provide infrastructure improvements, creating a new business park in the process. The port authority spent $6.2 million to purchase and improve the site, costs that are slated to be recovered within ten years. Officials estimate that the new complex will create 350 jobs and generate $640,000 in new annual property taxes. Ten of the 40 acres were deeded to the St. Paul Parks and Recreational Department as part of the Mississippi River Open Space Area. Participants emphasize that the success of this project hinged on a strong public/private partnership.

Northeast Retail Project (Johnson Street Quarry) — Minneapolis, Minnesota

By the 1990s, the once-active Johnson Street Quarry had become a blighted, under-utilized property that contributed to the economic decline of northeast Minneapolis. In 1993, the Ryan Company, a local developer, approached the city with a plan. If the Minneapolis Community Development Agency (MCDA) acquired various quarry parcels and conducted necessary remediation, Ryan would purchase the site for twice its market value (which, even then, would be significantly less than the public costs to prepare the site) and build a 420,000-square foot discount shopping mall. As of late 1996, all properties had been acquired and remediation had begun. Project costs are expected to total nearly $60 million, divided between public and private sources. Despite high expenditures, the MCDA views the deal as public funds well spent. Benefits include extensive environmental cleanup, blight elimination, creation of 1,700 full- and part-time jobs, tax-base enhancements (both property and sales), and stabilization of a neighborhood that had been declining. The city will recoup its costs within 15 years through property taxes and revenues generated from the tax increment finance district. This project involved extensive community involvement, as well as strong public/private cooperation.

Northeast

Holden-Leonard Mill — Bennington, Vermont

In 1986, backed by state and federal loans, the Southern Vermont Development Council bought the defunct Holden-Leonard Mill and planned a series of renovations. Three years later, however, the project stalled when U.S. EPA alleged the presence of hazardous contamination on site. Since 1989, the mill has remained in limbo while EPA has debated listing the site on the National Priorities List (NPL), a register of the country's most serious hazardous waste sites. Mase Securities International (MSI), currently a tenant in the Holden-Leonard Mill, is eager to purchase the site but will not proceed until all environmental and liability issues have been resolved. In April, 1996, EPA Region 1 issued a "comfort letter" to the mill's new owner, the Vermont Economic Development Authority, indicating that no further steps would be taken to list the site on the NPL, thus removing a crucial barrier to the site's redevelopment. At the same time, MSI has been able to benefit from Vermont's new voluntary cleanup law, which provides liability relief for third parties upon completion of an approved cleanup plan. To date, MSI has created over 200 new jobs in Bennington and has made significant renovations to the historic building.

Fallon/St. Vincent Medical City — Worcester, Massachusetts

In 1992, two of the largest health care providers in Worcester merged with the hope of building a $200-million integrated health facility in an urban setting. Eager to attract the hospital, city officials immediately created an institution to oversee the endeavor — the Worcester Redevelopment Authority — and began targeting properties within a 24-acre blighted area for acquisition. By 1996, all structures had been demolished and the graded property was conveyed to the purchaser for $6.4 million with a Covenant-Not-to-Sue. Total public expenditures on the project were $42 million, split between the state and the city. City officials expect to see a huge return on their investment. Once operational, the facility will provide nearly 3,000 new jobs and will generate $875 million in total direct economic impacts within the first ten years ($1.9 billion in indirect economic impacts). This case study illustrates how strong public/private cooperation can save time and produce immense cost-savings. It also demonstrates the importance of establishing an effective institutional framework — in this case, the Worcester Redevelopment Authority — to oversee brownfield redevelopment activities.

Lawrence Gateway Project (Oxford Paper Site) — Lawrence, Massachusetts

Like many industrial cities across the country, Lawrence, Massachusetts, has in recent years witnessed a steady decline in manufacturing. Many residents believe that the key to future growth lies in either revitalizing the city's once-thriving mills or at least reusing the valuable waterfront property on which they stand. One of Lawrence's most prominent brownfields is the mammoth Oxford Paper plant, located at the entrance or "gateway" to the city's historical district. In 1994, officials launched an initiative to redevelop the Oxford site that involved "piggy-backing" the project onto a nearby highway project, thus enabling the city to draw on Massachusetts Highway Department funds. Plans call for demolition of existing Oxford buildings, construction of road interchanges, and creation of a public park. This project has been successful on many fronts. Officials were able to streamline permitting and oversight activities by creating two interagency task forces. The project was propelled forward by a strong public/private partnership between the city and GenCorp, Oxford's neighbor. In addition, city officials made public participation a priority from the outset. In its first two years, the Lawrence Gateway Project has leveraged over $160 million in public and private investment for Lawrence's historic district.

Carol Cable Site — Warren, Rhode Island

This project involved redevelopment of a 240,000-square-foot cable manufacturing factory in a small town of population 11,000. The facility closed down in 1990 and was remediated under state supervision, but residual contaminants remained on-site (the company was unable to achieve the state's stringent water quality standards). In fall 1995, Display World, Inc. expressed an interest in purchasing the site, but not until the state resolved all environmental issues and provided liability releases. State officials made it a priority to meet Display World's needs in a timely fashion. Strong inter-agency coordination helped decrease costs and reduce time-frames associated with the project. Most importantly, Rhode Island's 1995 brownfield law made the transaction possible by providing the purchaser with necessary liability sign-off. Also critical was the recent adoption of state cleanup standards that allow for the use of institutional/engineering controls to satisfy remedial requirements. Display World purchased the property for $175,000 and then proceeded to invest $500,000 in the facility. The company brought 75 existing jobs to the area and plans to create 50 new ones.

Bryant Electric Plant — Bridgeport, Connecticut

Westinghouse's Bryant Electric plant shut down in 1988 after operating for 90 years in Bridgeport's West End. The closing of the 500,000-square-foot facility exacerbated the neighborhood's already bleak economic situation. In the early 1990s, the city began working with Westinghouse and area businesses to discuss plans for revitalizing the entire West End, using redevelopment at the Bryant Electric site as a catalyst. A plan emerged whereby the city agreed to acquire seven acres of property around Bryant Electric, essentially forming a large business park. An important step in this process was the 1994 formation of the West End Community Development Corporation (CDC), a non-profit development group. In just two years, the CDC has succeeded in organizing many different voices within the West End, developing a strong vision for growth, and providing the institutional framework necessary to implement community goals. Westinghouse has spent over $1 million to date on remediation at its site, while the city and the CDC (backed by state funds) have invested over $14 million in Bryant Electric and the West End, as a whole. According to city officials, the targeted developer plans to create 300-400 new jobs and invest $20-$50 million in the West End.

Circle F Factory — Trenton, New Jersey

The 1990 closing of the Circle F factory left a gaping hole in Trenton's East Ward. For over 100 years, the facility had been the heart of this neighborhood; now the area was becoming increasingly mired in economic decline. Working with the property owner, the city devised a solution that involved dividing the Circle F factory in half and developing the parcels separately (one would contain light industry; the other would be transformed into seniors' housing). For the residential portion of the project, the city selected Lutheran Social Ministries (LSM), an experienced non-profit developer. In June 1995, LSM applied for and received federal Low-Income Housing Tax Credits — an innovative financing mechanism that can assist brownfield projects. Additional remediation took place in fall 1995 and construction of 75 new senior housing units began at the end of that year. Residents are slated to move in by winter 1997.

American Axle Plant and Northeast Buffalo Parkway — Buffalo, New York

In February 1994, American Axle & Manufacturing bought a struggling automotive plant in Buffalo, with the hope of investing nearly $100 million at the site. Company officials pledged to retain 1,000 jobs and add 600 more — good news for Northeast Buffalo, which had weathered a major GM- plant closing four years earlier. Without improved truck access to the American Axle site, however, the company could not follow through with its plans to increase operations and bring on new employees. City officials recognized that this was not only a problem for American Axle; poor infrastructure had caused numerous area industries to relocate to the suburbs. Officials decided to transform into a highway an old, rarely used stretch of Conrail tracks traversing Northeast Buffalo (the road would be called the Northeast Buffalo Parkway). American Axle's $100-million investment helped leverage $6.5 million in public funds for the deal. With construction of the highway slated to begin in 1997, benefits to the surrounding neighborhood already can be seen. The defunct GM plant now has been transformed into a light industrial park that could employ 200 people in the near future. Most importantly, however, city officials believe that the presence of these viable industries and improved highway access will trigger a revival of the Northeast Buffalo neighborhood.

Ernst Steel Site — Cheektowaga, New York

Before closing down in 1980, the Ernst Steel site had operated for over 30 years in Cheektowaga, New York, a town located just outside the Buffalo city line. By 1990, the Buffalo suburbs had expanded outward, completely surrounding Ernst Steel, but the site remained idle and undeveloped due to concerns over environmental contamination. In 1994, the Benderson Development Company bought the property out of bankruptcy court with the intention of building a discount shopping center. The company struck a deal with Erie County officials: If the county provided tax breaks on another project Benderson was initiating (construction of a nearby hotel), the developer would agree to completely remediate the Ernst Steel site, which had become a glaring eyesore in this heavily commercialized area. Benderson also wagered that the project's long-term economic benefits would far outweigh the short-term cleanup costs. To defray remediation expenses, the company successfully employed a new technology, on-site soil- washing. Redevelopment of the Ernst Steel site has resulted in many positive impacts, including elimination of blight, creation of 150 full- and part-time jobs, and tax base enhancement (sales taxes will be $1 million per year; property taxes between $300,000 and $500,000 per year).

The Roundhouse Property (Harlan & Hollingsworth Shipyard) — Wilmington, Delaware

The roundhouse is an old railroad turnstile located in Wilmington's former Harlan & Hollingsworth Shipyard. Closed in the 1950s, various shipyard buildings have been dispersed over the years. Many of the structures now are abandoned or under-utilized, and environmental contamination is widespread. The 1.6-acre roundhouse property is no exception. When the current owner decided to sell the property, the interested buyer stipulated that environmental issues needed to be resolved up front. Both parties decided to enter Delaware's voluntary cleanup program in order to conduct remediation, obtain liability sign-off, and apply for state financial assistance. The Delaware Department of Natural Resources and Environmental Control pursued an innovative funding source for the project: federal Superfund dollars funneled through the state. The buyer plans to construct a public storage facility which will create new jobs and provide a stable business presence in the neighborhood. This case study illustrates how brownfield activities can dovetail successfully with a city's broader redevelopment visions.

West

Oregon Mill Site Conversion Project — Seven rural areas in Oregon

During the 1980s and 1990s, over 120 timber mills shut down in the Pacific Northwest, displacing 55,000 workers and devastating many timber-dependent communities. For years these mill sites sat idle and undeveloped while chemical hazards posed environmental and public health concerns. In 1994, a group of public agencies and private-sector groups joined forces in an effort to redevelop seven rural mill sites. The initiative, known as the Oregon Mill Site Conversion Project, received financial backing from both U.S. EPA, under its Brownfields Pilot Site Program, and the Economic Development Administration. During its first two years, the project has focused on organizing community participation and assessing the environmental conditions at each site. Thus far, two sites already have changed hands and should be cleaned up and redeveloped by fall 1997.

Southwest Harbor Project — Seattle, Washington

In 1993, an Oakland-based steamship company, American President Lines, Ltd. (APL), asked the Port of Seattle to compete with other west coast ports to develop a combined marine cargo and intermodal terminal yard that would be large enough to handle APL's increasing Pacific Rim trade. To meet APL's needs, the terminal had to be fully operational by 1997 — only four years away. Seattle port officials were anxious to keep APL's existing 1,500 jobs and to secure 1,500 additional jobs through the terminal expansion. The project also would provide a catalyst for the remediation of other properties in the Duwamish corridor, a heavily industrialized area with known contamination problems. The port identified 145 acres around APL's existing terminal and initiated negotiations with current property owners (hurdles included assessing environmental conditions, determining necessary remediation, and accurately gauging property values). The project involved unprecedented coordination between local, state, and federal agencies. It also required extensive public participation. As of summer 1996, all buildings had been demolished and most remediation was complete on APL's new terminal property.

Federal Courthouse (Southern Pacific Rail Yard) — Sacramento, California

The 2.6-acre federal courthouse project is located on Southern Pacific's 244-acre railyard facility in Sacramento. The $142 million, 380,000-square-foot courthouse facility, which will contain offices, parking, and many other services, is slated to produce more than 1,000 construction jobs and 200 permanent jobs. It is the single largest construction project in the City of Sacramento's history. A major challenge associated with this project was the presence of deed restrictions, which required direct state oversight of all excavation activities — a daunting mandate given the limited resources of the state environmental agency. Through extensive public/private cooperation, an innovative third-party oversight entity was established, known as the Environmental Oversight Authority. Creation of this institutional entity allowed redevelopment to proceed where it otherwise might have been deemed logistically and economically impossible. In July 1995, EPA awarded the city a $200,000 Brownfields Pilot Site grant to support the Environmental Oversight Authority and other aspects of the railyard redevelopment.

South

Ross's Landing and the Tennessee Aquarium — Chattanooga, Tennessee

Chattanooga, once considered a leading industrial powerhouse, paid a high price for its economic prosperity. By the late 1960s, it was named one of the most polluted cities in America. In the decades since, however, Chattanooga has made a swift comeback. A key step in this process has been the cleanup and reuse of former industrial properties. In the 1980s, a public/private non-profit development company — RiverValley Partners — was formed to manage the city's redevelopment plans. The company initially focused its efforts on a stretch of old industrial property along the Tennessee River and raised nearly $17 million in private funds to support acquisition, environmental assessments, and construction of a new aquarium and public plaza. According to company officials, the Tennessee Aquarium has been a catalyst for more than $150 million in public and private investment throughout Chattanooga.

Louisville Dryer Company (Ni-Chro Plating, Inc.) — Louisville, Kentucky

The Ni-Chro Plating facility in Louisville's West End had been abandoned for several years when state officials discovered that the site presented an immediate threat to public and environmental health. The U.S. EPA conducted an emergency removal of contaminants and, because the prior owner was bankrupt, placed a lien on the property for $168,000. Seven years later, in 1994, the Louisville Dryer Company expressed an interest in purchasing the Ni-Chro Plating property in order to accommodate its business expansion — a move that would create new jobs and add to the local tax base, both of which the city was eager to support. In 1995, when U.S. EPA awarded Louisville a $200,000 Brownfields Pilot grant, the city decided to dedicate this money to the Ni-Chro Plating project, which essentially would serve as a "demonstration site" for implementation of city-wide brownfield policies. As of late 1996, the city and the Louisville Dryer Company were negotiating a final sale price for the property. This project is poised to become a brownfield success story — neighborhood blight is being eliminated at the same time that 40-50 new jobs are being created.

This chapter has provided an overview of the 20 brownfield projects profiled in this book. Chapter 2 includes a discussion of key conclusions or "lessons learned" through the case study analysis. Chapter 3 presents the case studies, themselves.

Chapter 2
Lessons Learned

Encouraging the cleanup and redevelopment of brownfields requires a comprehensive package of solutions — some direct, some indirect — that become relevant at different points in the process. For example, many case study participants note that financial incentives and liability relief are critical in terms of persuading individuals to undertake projects in the first place. However, other factors — such as inter-agency coordination and project leadership at the local level — assume greater importance once a project is underway by helping to slash time frames and save costs.

Examination of a wide range of sites, as well as over 60 interviews with project participants, revealed some common components or "lessons learned," which are divided into five groupings: a) players and institutional capacity; b) community involvement; c) regulatory and legal issues; d) costs and financing; d) risk management and cleanup; and e) broader policy conclusions. Following are the key factors that facilitated brownfield cleanup and reuse.

Players and Institutional Capacity

Presence of a Proactive Local Government Entity or Redevelopment Authority

Among these case studies, one of the most critical ingredients for success was the presence of a strong local government entity. For half the projects examined, the city acted as a "brownfield broker," essentially helping interested buyers acquire contaminated and/or abandoned properties. For several other projects, the city played a key role in helping a company clean up and redevelop its contaminated site, as well as locating potential buyers or end-users. Local officials also were invaluable in terms of facilitating community involvement and helping parties navigate difficult regulatory requirements.

In addition to playing a key logistical role, cities often provided financing to make a brownfield project economically viable. In Bridgeport, Connecticut, Westinghouse has spent over $1 million to clean up its Bryant Electric facility, and the city contributed $700,000 towards demolition and site preparation to make way for a new end-user. Without the city's involvement, the site might only have been remediated and not actually redeveloped.

In Louisville, Kentucky, the city has been working with an expanding business to acquire an abandoned, contaminated property. This project has been complicated by many factors, including environmental contamination at the site and uncertain remediation requirements. The city oversaw relations between the Kentucky Department of Environmental Protection, the Landbank Authority, and the prospective purchaser, Louisville Dryer Company. In addition, the city dedicated funds to this project (for personnel and site assessment) from grant money provided under the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency's (EPA) Brownfields Pilot Site Program. Because of the city's involvement, Louisville Dryer Co. has been able to remain involved in a real estate transaction that it might otherwise have abandoned long ago.

Appropriate Institutional Capacity at the Local Level — Consolidating Brownfield Project Management Teams Under One Roof

While cities clearly play an essential role in brownfield redevelopment, often they are not set up to effectively manage such projects. The problem is that brownfield initiatives require involvement by personnel from a range of departments (e.g., planning, law, economic development, and environmental protection), which can create administrative snafus. In addition, efforts can be complicated by the fact that these departments often have conflicting missions and mandates. All project participants interviewed for this book agree that establishing a single entity for oversight of brownfield initiatives is key. The Worcester Redevelopment Authority (WRA) in Worcester, Massachusetts, is an example of such an entity. The WRA acquires properties, coordinates remediation, and facilitates site redevelopment work. Similarly, the Port of Seattle assembled under one lead manager a group of staff members who were dedicated to the Southwest Harbor redevelopment project. This team, which worked out of one office location, included members of the port's marine facilities as well as staff from legal, engineering, environmental, and finance offices.

Strong Public-Private Partnerships

Among the 20 case studies, public/private partnerships — usually between private parties, the city, and the state — were essential. In particular, those locales that forged alliances between business interests and public-sector objectives have seen significant results. In Wyandotte, Michigan, BASF, the City of Wyandotte, and the Michigan Department of Environmental Quality teamed up to redevelop BASF's South Works into a public recreation area. In St. Paul, Minnesota, the St. Paul Port Authority and the Minneapolis Pollution Control Agency worked with Texaco to transform an old petroleum tank farm into a new light industrial business park.

In several instances, partnerships between project participants and politicians also proved to be important, especially in terms of obtaining much-needed public funding. The Lawrence Gateway Project, for example, benefitted from strong involvement by Congressman Marty Meehan (D-MA). Rep. Meehan helped secure a $25,000 grant from the Massachusetts Land Bank as well as $500,000 in roadway enhancement funds for the project through the Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act.

Project Leadership — Individuals Make A Difference

Many of these projects have been successful because of certain key individuals who possess strong leadership, persistence, and creativity. For example, in Sacramento, California, the federal courthouse development has been spearheaded by the city's Wendy Saunders. When Saunders took maternity leave over the summer of 1996, many participants indicated that the project was "virtually on hold" until she returned. The same has been true of Kevin Geaney with the Lawrence Gateway Project in Lawrence, Massachusetts. For years, redevelopment of the city's Oxford Paper site was at a standstill; when Lawrence hired Geaney, however, the process finally began to move forward. Several people interviewed indicate that he was the catalyst for launching the Lawrence Gateway Project.

Coordination Between Local, State, and Federal Government Entities

Many brownfield projects are burdened by high assessment and remediation costs and by long, drawn-out time frames — a situation that is only exacerbated when multiple government agencies (i.e., local, state, and federal) are involved. For many of the projects examined, streamlining inter-agency coordination was critical in terms of resolving overlaps in administrative jurisdictions and oversight. Lawrence, Massachusetts, tackled this problem by establishing two inter-agency task forces — teams comprised of local, state, and federal representatives — that ironed out key issues, facilitated decision making, and coordinated the multiple regulatory issues connected with the project. In Sacramento, California, redevelopment of Southern Pacific's rail yard was made possible by an innovative Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) between the city, the state, and Southern Pacific. The MOU articulated roles and responsibilities for each party and established a third-party oversight entity, the Environmental Oversight Authority, which was tasked with overseeing all site assessment and cleanup in lieu of the state environmental agency.

Community Involvement

Strong Community Participation

In almost every case study analyzed, carefully orchestrated public outreach and involvement plans were implemented from the outset. Without this critical community buy-in, many project participants note, their efforts easily could have fallen apart. In Minneapolis, community participation was central to the redevelopment of the Johnson Street Quarry into a discount shopping center. The Minneapolis Community Development Agency assembled a neighborhood task force, which met monthly in a televised public forum to discuss project plans. In a written report, the group expressed numerous concerns about traffic, noise, and public safety and called on the city to implement a series of traffic control measures and infrastructure improvements before it would support the initiative. The city and developers unanimously agreed to meet the task force's demands, and the project moved forward with strong public support.

Capitalizing on a Community's Vision

Most case study participants agree that brownfield initiatives should dovetail with a community's "vision" for growth. For example, where brownfield redevelopment is part of a concerted downtown revitalization program, it stands a better chance of securing public and private investment, as well as gaining political and community support. In Chattanooga, Tennessee, cleanup and reuse of riverfront property dovetailed with the city's broader Vision 2000 initiative that sought to revitalize neighborhoods, remediate the environment, and attract new businesses throughout the city.

Appropriate Job Training

Many communities are eager to ensure that brownfield redevelopment and the presence of new business translate into job opportunities for area residents. Job training often is necessary to ensure that residents acquire the appropriate skills. In St. Paul, Minnesota, the St. Paul Port Authority launched an innovative job training program, the Employment Connection, which helps link brownfield redevelopment with neighborhood wealth creation. The port determines the specific employment needs of local businesses, connects with various neighborhood groups, and creates a customized training package for companies. Businesses pay 10-15 percent of the costs for the training package; the balance is provided by the state and private corporations/foundations. This program will help ensure that area residents are properly trained for job openings at the Crosby Lake Business Park.

Regulatory and Legal Issues

State Voluntary Cleanup Programs — Availability of Liability Relief

As of December 1996, 37 states had established programs encouraging voluntary cleanup of contaminated sites. These state initiatives — many of which offer financial incentives, liability relief, and simplified cleanup standards — have significantly encouraged brownfield cleanup and reuse. For example, the contaminated Holden-Leonard Mill in Bennington, Vermont, was in a holding pattern for years, despite the fact that a party was interested in buying the site. With the enactment of Vermont's 1994 Contaminated Properties Program, however, site assessment and cleanup are now proceeding. One key reason is that both the seller and prospective purchaser now can obtain some liability closure once a state-approved cleanup plan has been completed.

Clarity Between the State and U.S. EPA in terms of Liability Relief

Although many states are offering some form of liability relief, participants interviewed still consider "fear of EPA involvement" a barrier to redevelopment, particularly in terms of securing financial backing. The agency has responded by stating publicly its intention not to interfere at sites that are participating in state voluntary cleanup programs. Some regional EPA offices have put this commitment in writing by including "comfort language" in their Superfund Memoranda of Agreement with states. These moves to bless state voluntary cleanup programs have been greeted favorably by brownfield practitioners.

Costs and Financing

Property Location and Market Conditions

The old real estate adage, "location, location, location," applies to brownfields as it would to any other property. If a brownfield is situated in a desirable location — near a bustling downtown, along a scenic waterfront, or by a busy highway interchange — redevelopment is more likely to occur than not, in spite of potential environmental contamination. In other words, the economics of the project may make sense even when costs for cleanup are factored into the equation. For example, Southern Pacific decided to remediate its Sacramento railyard facility as well as to pursue redevelopment because the company saw potentially huge profits (due to the site's prominent downtown location). Similarly, in Chattanooga, Tennessee, RiverValley Partners decided to purchase and redevelop old industrial property along the Tennessee River, wagering that any contamination discovered would be offset by huge returns on the investment.

However, if a brownfield is situated in an economically depressed area — on the outskirts of town or in a blighted neighborhood — redevelopment is a more difficult proposition. In these cases, the role of the public sector to encourage brownfield reuse becomes critical. The threat of environmental contamination is a major deterrent, but there may be other concerns: neighborhood safety for employees, blighted conditions surrounding the site, access to skilled labor, or the potential for property devaluation. In these cases, the city or the state may offer financial incentives to companies willing to locate in economically disadvantaged areas. Alternatively, the city may assist in redeveloping a portion of a neighborhood — as was the case in Bridgeport's West End, surrounding the Bryant Electric facility — in order to trigger a domino effect of revitalization.

Possibility of "Piggy-Backing" onto Public Works Projects

Brownfield projects may be coordinated with public works initiatives — including transportation projects, historic preservation efforts, and green corridor planning — in order to access innovative funding sources. In Lawrence, Massachusetts, for example, cleanup and redevelopment of the old Oxford Paper plant seemed financially infeasible until city personnel thought to "piggy-back" the project with a nearby highway expansion, allowing Lawrence to draw on much-needed state highway funds for demolition and remediation.

Benefit of Being a Large Development Company

Brownfield projects present less of a financial risk to large development companies, which can essentially distribute risk among different projects. These firms also may be able to finance initiatives themselves, without the involvement of banks, enabling them to take on projects of greater risk. In recent years, developers have become increasingly interested in contaminated sites. According to Crain's New York Business from November 1996, "Once seen only as a blight... [brownfields] are now becoming an opportunity for a number of savvy real estate developers." This sentiment is echoed by an attorney for Benderson Development Company (developer of the Ernst Steel site in Cheektowaga, New York), who notes, "Benderson views brownfields as the last frontier on which to make money."

Availability of Public-Sector Financing

Private parties frequently are not able or willing to act on their own to ensure that a brownfield site is redeveloped to its full potential. With assistance from the public-sector, however, numerous projects are able to move forward. Public-sector funds typically support front-end activities such as environmental assessment and remediation, demolition, and site preparation, whereas private-sector funds more often support redevelopment and construction of new facilities. Among the 20 case studies, a variety of public funding initiatives were utilized — ranging from traditional economic development programs, to low-income housing tax credits, to the use of federal Superfund dollars. A brief discussion of these funding initiatives follows.

General Obligation (G.O.) Bonds. Many of the projects described in this book were financed through issuance of bonds, backed by the general obligation of cities or local development authorities. Local governments traditionally issue G.O. bonds for acquiring land, preparing sites, and making infrastructure improvements — key elements in any brownfield redevelopment strategy. Among these case studies, projects backed by G.O. bonds include Scott Peterson Meats and Madison Equipment in Chicago, Illinois, and the Southwest Harbor Redevelopment in Seattle, Washington.

Tax Increment Financing (TIF). Tax increment financing is a system whereby property values in a particular district are frozen at a certain level; when property values rise, the taxes or the increased values are then funneled back into redevelopment projects there. TIFs are built on the concept that new value will be created, and that the future value can be used to finance part of the activities needed now to create new value. The key piece of public-sector financing for redevelopment of Minneapolis' Johnson Street Quarry was revenue from the local TIF district — expected to bring in $10.3 million over the project's life. In Wyandotte, Michigan, city officials financed a portion of the $5.2-million redevelopment at BASF's South Works with TIF district revenues, which, by 1994, provided $5 million annually.

EPA Brownfield Pilot Site Grants. Since its inception in 1994, EPA's Brownfields Pilot Site Program has provided some critical start-up funding for 76 cities and counties nationwide. In Louisville, Kentucky, the city's $200,000 grant was used in part to assess environmental conditions at the Ni-Chro Plating property (a neighboring company sought to purchase Ni-Chro in order to accommodate its business expansion plans). The city's experience at the Ni-Chro Plating site will be used to craft city- wide brownfield policies. In Sacramento, California, EPA Pilot Site dollars are being used to develop the Environmental Oversight Authority, an innovative team that acts on behalf of state and local government officials to oversee and streamline brownfield site activities.

The Clinton Administration in August 1996 announced support for an expansion of EPA grants to communities for site assessment and redevelopment planning, and support for a revolving loan fund to finance cleanup efforts at the local level. The agency estimates that, by the year 2000, the Brownfield Pilot Site Program will result in cleanup at approximately 5,000 brownfield sites in 300 cities.

Community Development Block Grant (CDBG) Funds. CDBG funds, distributed by the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to cities according to formula, can be used to finance the rehabilitation of privately-owned brownfield sites. Several communities examined here utilized a portion of their annual CDBG resources to support brownfield activities. The City of Lawrence spent nearly $600,000 in CDBG dollars on the Lawrence Gateway Project between 1994 and 1996. Bridgeport dedicated $2 million of its CDBG funds to launch assessment and cleanup of the area surrounding Westinghouse's Bryant Electric facility.

HUD Section 108 Loan Guarantees. Related to the CDBG program, Section 108 loan guarantees enable local governments to support physical and economic development projects that are too large to finance with single-year CDBG grants. Under Section 108, localities issue debentures to cover the cost of projects, pledging their annual CDBG funds as collateral. Officials in Buffalo, New York, have dedicated $1 million in Section 108 funds for creation of a new parkway in a blighted, industrial section of town. HUD in fall 1996 stepped up its support of brownfield activities by approving a $50-million loan guarantee to the City of Chicago, using future CDBG funding entitlements as collateral.

Federal Superfund Dollars. In Wilmington, Delaware, the state Department of Natural Resources and Environmental Control (DNREC) sought federal assistance in financing site assessment of 70 older industrial properties along the waterfront. DNREC asked EPA Region 3 in 1994 to support this area-wide initiative with allocation of "Pilot Dollars" under the Delaware-EPA Superfund Cooperative Agreement. EPA responded positively and, since then, has committed $250,000-$350,000 per year for brownfield site assessment work. "EPA officials nationwide are looking for direct success stories," says one DNREC official. "They are looking to spend dollars where they can see direct creation of jobs and taxes and, equally important, an improvement to the environment."

State and Federal Transportation Dollars. Several locales profiled in the case studies utilized state highway dollars to finance site assessment and remediation activities. In Lawrence, Massachusetts, the city drew on Massachusetts Highway Department funds to pay for demolition and site improvements at the Oxford Paper site in order to support the new Canal Street Bridge and a traffic interchange. The city also secured $500,000 in enhancement funds under the Intermodal Surface Transportation Efficiency Act to support planning studies for the Lawrence Gateway corridor. In Buffalo, New York, city officials tapped $3.5 million in Industrial Access Program funds, which are administered through the New York Department of Transportation.

Low-Income Housing Tax Credits. Low-Income Housing Tax Credits were authorized by Congress several years ago as an incentive to attract private capital to housing projects developed for low-income residents; in essence, they help minimize investment risk and shore up the investor's rate of return. The Circle F project in Trenton, New Jersey, was partially funded through the use of Low- Income Housing Tax Credits. State officials determined that the building would qualify for $800,000 in these tax credits per year, beginning when the facility opens in 1997 and ending in 2007. Total tax credits over this ten-year period will be $8 million, and the bank that provided front-end financing expects to see a 12 percent yield on its investment.

State Financial Incentives: Tax Credits and Grants. Some states have developed financial assistance mechanisms to encourage the reuse of contaminated industrial sites. In Delaware, for example, a Brownfield Assistance Fund matches private-sector investments for up to 50 percent of site investigation costs, for a total of $25,000 (available to private-sector entities only). Cleanup and redevelopment activities at the old Harlan & Hollingsworth Shipyard in Wilmington, Delaware, were financed through this fund. In addition, Delaware offers a brownfield tax credit to individuals who build or renovate a building located on a brownfield and where new workers are hired. Delaware officials anticipate that the purchaser of the roundhouse property, within the Harlan & Hollingsworth Shipyard, will be able to take advantage of these substantial tax credits and see nearly a 50 percent return on initial investment.

Empowerment Zones and Enterprise Communities: HUD and the Department of Agriculture. Empowerment Zones (EZs) and Enterprise Communities (ECs) are geographic areas targeted to receive special federal treatment and incentives in order to attract private investment and other economic activity. Depending on the plan developed for the area, benefits can include financial, regulatory, and technical assistance. In December 1994, HUD and the Department of Agriculture named 95 Enterprise Communities (65 urban ECs and 30 rural ECs), as well as nine Empowerment Zones (six urban EZs and three rural EZs). Designation brings several benefits to the selected areas, including $100 million in social service grants for each of the urban EZs, $40 million to each rural zone, and $3 million to each EC. EC dollars have been used to finance brownfield activities in, among other cities, Louisville, Kentucky, and Buffalo, New York.

Availability of Private-Sector Financing

A majority of the 20 case studies examined benefitted from some form of private-sector financial involvement. Following are key sources of private-sector support.

Responsible Parties. Prior to redevelopment, some sites were cleaned up by the party responsible for environmental contamination. Remediation of the Bryant Electric Plant in Bridgeport, Connecticut, for example, is being carried out and financed by Westinghouse, which agreed to turn the clean property over to the city for $1. Bridgeport officials, in turn, are financing demolition of the 500,000-square-foot building to make room for a new manufacturing facility at the site. Similarly, the Texaco Tank Farm in St. Paul, Minnesota, was cleaned by Texaco and then sold to the St. Paul Port Authority, which provided site preparation and infrastructure improvements before selling off parcels to interested buyers. In several instances, the responsible party not only financed the cleanup but also chose to redevelop the property (i.e., opted to retain ownership of the land rather than transfer it to a local government entity). In Sacramento, for example, Southern Pacific is financing remediation at its 244- acre rail yard facility and redeveloping the site for a mixture of commercial, residential, and recreational activities.

Purchasers. Some case study projects were cleaned up by the new property owner when a responsible party could not be identified or held accountable, or where the party was financially insolvent. At the Ernst Steel site in Cheektowaga, New York, the Benderson Development Company purchased the property and assumed responsibility for the cleanup. Likewise in Detroit, Michigan, the Acetex Corporation purchased neighboring H&H Wheel's property to accommodate its business expansion and assumed responsibility for remediation in the process. Even where purchasers do not actually shoulder remediation costs, they usually invest money in redeveloping the site (i.e., by renovating or building new facilities).

Commercial Banks. Many banks are reluctant to loan money on brownfield projects until remedial work at the site has been certified as complete, either with a No Further Action letter or a Covenant-not-to-Sue. In Detroit, Michigan, Comerica bank loaned the Acetex Corporation $2 million to finance redevelopment at H&H Wheel, once remedial work had been completed. At the Circle F factory in Trenton, New Jersey, Nat West Bank loaned Lutheran Social Ministries $4 million to finance construction of a seniors' housing complex.

Foundations. Several projects analyzed in this book received funding from private foundations. For example, the Lyndhurst Foundation provided $10 million for construction of the Tennessee Aquarium and Ross's Landing in Chattanooga, Tennessee. In St. Paul, Minnesota, job training for new businesses at the redeveloped Texaco Tank Farm site was financed in part by several area foundations.

In-Kind Work. In an effort to facilitate redevelopment of mill sites in Oregon, one electric utility and several other private-sector entities teamed up and contributed over $100,000 in legal, financial, and administrative services. In St. Paul, Minnesota, at the former Texaco Tank Farm (now the Crosby Lake Business Park), Northern States Power Company installed utility lines at its own expense, and U.S. West strung fiber optic lines at no charge to the developer.

Risk Management and Cleanup

Risk Management (in lieu of risk-elimination) and Cleanup Standards Tailored to End Use

Contaminated industrial sites traditionally have been cleaned according to the most stringent residential standards, such that children could ingest remediated soils. Increasingly, however, states are recognizing that such cleanups are prohibitively expensive and sometimes unnecessary, especially if a site's end use is commercial or industrial. As such, many states now are allowing certain contaminants to be left on-site, provided that the potential for human exposure or environmental harm is eliminated (i.e., by an impervious surface, such as an asphalt covering or a building). Less stringent cleanup levels for commercial and industrial settings usually are accompanied by engineering or institutional controls, such as deed restrictions, to ensure that inappropriate uses (i.e., residential housing) never occur at the site. The Port of Seattle worked with the Washington Department of Ecology to derive site-specific cleanup action levels for soils based on future industrial land use. Redevelopment of the Carol Cable plant in Warren, Rhode Island, moved forward because of a new law that allowed cleanups to be tailored to end use and permitted the use of engineering and institutional controls where contaminants would be left in place.

Use of Innovative Remedial Technologies

Many cities are realizing that immense cost savings can be achieved by implementing creative cleanup technologies. In Lawrence, Massachusetts, for example, a soil vapor extraction system was utilized to treat contaminated soils on-site, rather than sending them off-site for incineration. In Worcester, Massachusetts, officials used ground-penetrating radar to identify the location of underground storage tanks. Remedial costs at the Ernst Steel site in Cheektowaga, New York, were offset by the use of an experimental hydrogen sulfide liquid treatment that immobilized lead in soils — a process that saved the company upwards of $300,000.

Broader Policy Conclusions

Public Dollars Leverage Private Investment

Minimal public-sector investment often leverages private-sector dollars. For approximately $370,000, Chicago was able to demolish an eyesore, clean up environmental contamination, and provide a clean, secure lot for Scott Peterson Meats — a strong neighborhood company — to use for employee parking. The city's commitment gave Scott Peterson Meats the impetus (and its lenders, the willingness) to invest $5 million in the project, which, in turn, led to the hiring of 100 additional employees. Without that critical public funding, local officials feel that private investment in Scott Peterson's project would never have materialized. EPA Brownfields Pilot Site grants also have been instrumental in leveraging both public and private funds.

Brownfield Projects Often Trigger a Ripple Effect of Revitalization

Participants in these 20 case studies unanimously stress the importance of choosing brownfield projects that lead to further development, so that a ripple effect of economic revitalization may occur. This was the case in downtown Worcester, Massachusetts, with development of the Medical City project. In conjunction with other downtown redevelopment initiatives, Medical City has created a domino effect of economic growth over the past five years. "You can't address one isolated brownfield and expect it to survive alone," says the city's Dave Dunham.

EPA's Brownfields Action Agenda is Removing Many Barriers to Redevelopment

In addition to providing pilot site grants to 70 locales nationwide, EPA's Brownfields Action Agenda has worked to remove many barriers commonly associated with brownfield cleanup and reuse. For example, the agency has clarified liability and cleanup issues (e.g., issued prospective purchaser guidance, promulgated an underground storage tank lender liability rule, and drafted soil screening guidance). EPA also has focused on creating partnerships with local and state government by establishing Regional Brownfields Coordinators and assigning agency staff members to cities around the country. In addition, EPA is forging ties with other federal agencies involved with brownfield issues. Finally, the agency has made job training an integral part of its brownfield efforts. EPA personnel, for instance, are working with the Hazardous Materials Training and Research Institute to expand environmental training at community colleges near brownfield pilot communities. In its first two years, the Brownfields Action Agenda has fostered a brownfield-friendly climate at the federal level, which, in turn, has unleashed action and innovation at the local level.

Brownfield Projects Can be "Pilot Sites" for Shaping Broader Policies

Many of the projects described in this book actually were "pilot sites" used to craft policies and strategies for a broader area. For example, in Louisville, Kentucky, lessons learned during cleanup and redevelopment of the Ni-Chro Plating site helped establish policies for Louisville's city-wide brownfield program. Similarly, construction of the federal courthouse in Sacramento, California, has served as a template for policies affecting the remaining 240 acres of Southern Pacific's rail yard, and the first two years of the Oregon Mill Sites Conversion Project will guide future redevelopment at rural mill sites. At both the Oregon and Sacramento projects, "generic remedies" are being formulated for common environmental contaminants — a step that should save time and lower costs for cleanups at similar properties.

The Worcester Redevelopment Authority (WRA) served as an "institutional pilot" for the creation of a regional brownfield redevelopment authority in Massachusetts. Because the WRA so successfully handled the many challenges associated with the Medical City project, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1995 passed legislation establishing a regional body modeled on the WRA — the Central Massachusetts Economic Development Authority (CMEDA) — to oversee brownfield initiatives.

Experience on the Ground May Be Used to Guide Future Brownfield Policies

To effectively shape brownfield policy, it is critical to learn from experiences on the ground — to understand what is needed, what is lacking, and how public funds may best be spent. This requires a constant exchange of information between practitioners in the field and officials in government, a dialogue that demands some kind of forum or facilitating body.

The Brownfields Working Group in Louisville, Kentucky, is a consortium of public-private entities that teamed up to identify and overcome barriers associated with contaminated site reuse. The group is creating a database of brownfield sites, facilitating community involvement in decision-making, and working to streamline a "process" by which sites effectively may be brought back to use. Similarly, Chicago's Brownfields Forum is a broad-based inter-disciplinary task force, launched in 1995, that seeks to identify policies to encourage brownfield reuse in the city. Chicago's Forum incorporates lessons learned through the city's hands-on experience cleaning up and redeveloping contaminated sites under its Brownfields Pilot Site Program. At regular roundtable discussions, Forum members offer policy suggestions as well as identify critical information gaps that warrant further research. In this way, Chicago has been able to address immediate needs "on the ground" while also charting sensible brownfield policies for the future. Many other cities across the country have established similar brownfield policy working groups, including Buffalo, New York; Detroit, Michigan; and Cuyahoga County, Ohio.

Although the projects profiled in Lessons from the Field differ markedly, several overarching conclusions have emerged. The most important finding is that brownfield cleanup and redevelopment often are not viable without public-sector intervention to alleviate conditions of "uncertainty" surrounding liability, cleanup standards, or regulatory requirements. The case studies reveal that, where government agencies have made a concerted effort to reduce grey areas through legislation or issuance of guidance, more projects are moving forward with fewer complications. Equally important is the public sector's role in bridging financing gaps — a need stemming from the fact that private-sector entities often do not view brownfield initiatives as attractive or viable investments.

Also key are institutional or organizational factors — such as the presence of a local government agency dedicated to brownfield reuse, strong project leadership, or coordination among different government agencies — that ensure brownfield redevelopment occurs in a timely and cost-effective manner. These "soft factors," which can be difficult to pinpoint, frequently make or break a project.

The case studies presented in the next chapter reveal that brownfields can be — and are being — cleaned up and redeveloped around the country. Although the barriers to reuse are substantial, an array of new policies are helping communities simultaneously address environmental contamination and spark economic activity.

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3 January 1997
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